1 (To the chief Musician upon Mahalath, Maschil, A Psalm of David.) The fool hath said in his heart, There is no God. Corrupt are they, and have done abominable iniquity: there is none that doeth good.

1 An the heiven an the yird a aa things in thaim wus hale.

2 An on the seivent day God feenished aa his darg; an on the seivent day he restit frae aa the wark that he haed duin.

3 An God giein his sainin tae the seivent day an made it haly: acause on that day he restit frae aa the wark that he haed made an duin.

24 An God sayed, Lat the yird bring furth aa kin o leevin things, kye an aa thing muivin on the yird , an beast o the yird efter their kin: an sae’t wus.

25 An God made the beast o the yird efter its kin, an the kye efter their kin. an aathing muivin  on the face o the yird efter its kin: an God seen that it wus guid.

26 An God sayed, Lat us mak man in oor eemage, like us: an lat him rule ower the fish o the seas an ower the birds o the lift an ower the kye an ower aa the yird an ower ilka leevin thing that crowls on the yird.

27 An God made man in his eemage, in the eemage o God he made him: man-body an wumman-body he made thaim.

28 An God gien thaim his sainin an sayed tae thaim, Be growthy an hae eiken, an mak the yird fou an be maisters o’t; be rulers ower the fish o the sea an ower the birds o the lift an ower ilka leevin thing muivin on the yird.

29 An God sayed, See, A hae gien ye ilka plant gien seed, on the face o aa the yird, an ilka tree that haes fruit gien seed: they wull be fur yer meat:

30 An tae ilka beast o the yird an tae ilka bird o the lift an ilka leevin thing muivin on the face o the yird A hae gien ilka green plant fur meat: an sae’t wus.

31 An God seen aathing that he haed wrocht, an it wus uncoo guid. An the war forenicht an the war forenuin, the saxt day.

20 An God sayed, Lat the watters be hotchin wi leevin things, an lat birds flee ower the yird unner the airch o heaven.

21 An God made muckle sea beasts, an ilka kin o leevin an muivin thing that the watters wus fu wi, an ilka kin o weengit bird: an God seen that it wus guid.

22 An God gien thaim his sainin, sayin, Be growthy an hae eiken, makkin aa the watters o the seas fu, an lat the birds be eikit ower the yird.

23 An the war forenicht an there war forenuin, the fift day.

14 An God sayed, Lat thair be lichts in the airch o heiven, fur tae sinder the day an the licht, an lat thaim be fur taikens, an fur merkin the saisons o the yeir, an fur days an fur yeirs.

15 An lat thaim be fur lichts in the airch o heaven fur tae sheen on the yird: an sae’t wus.

16 An God made twa muckle lichts: the greater licht tae be the ruler o the day, an the smawer licht tae be the ruler o the nicht: an he made the starns.

17 An God set thaim in the airch o heaven tae sheen on the yird;

18 Tae rule ower the day an the nicht, an fur tae sinder the licht an the mirk: an God seen that it wus guid.

19 An the war forenicht an the war forenuin, the fowert day.

9 An God sayed, Lat the watters unner the heiven come thegither, an lat the dry laund be seen: an sae’t wus.

10 An God gien the dry laund the name o Yird; an the watters thegither wus cried Seas: an God seen that it wus guid.

11 An God sayed, Lat gress breird on the yird, an plants giein seed, an fruit-trees beirin fruit, that their seed is in, efter their kin: an sae’t wus.

12 An gress breirdit on the yird, an ilka plant giein seed o its kin, an ilka tree beirin fruit, that its seed is in, o its kin: an God seen that it wus guid.

13 An the war forenicht an the war forenuin, the thurd day.

6 An God sayed, Lat thair be a poeurfu airch raxin ower the watters, pairtin the watters frae the watters.

7 An God made the airch for tae sinder the watters unner the airch an thaim that wus ower it: an sae’t wus.

8 An God gien the airch the name o Heiven. An the war forenicht an the war forenuin, the saicont day.

1 In the beginnin God made the heiven an the yird.

2 An the yird wis fouthless an wioot form; an it wus mirk on the face o the deep: an the Speerit o God flittit ower the face o the waters.

3 An God sayed, Lat thair be licht: an the war licht.

4 An God, leukin on the licht, seen that it wus guid: an God sindert the licht an the mirk,

5 Namin the licht, Day , an the mirk, Nicht. An the war forenicht an the war forenuin, the furst day.

It was mid November, and the Autumn Sun was shining on the Presbyterian Island of North Uist in the Outer Hebrides. There was a strange animation abroad that day. Men and women were gathering, dressed in black clothes which they usually wear on the Sabbath.

From all parts of the island the people came to converge on a little heather-clad knoll on which stands a memorial to the men and women from North Uist who gave their lives in the Great War. A Union Jack draped the memorial, which was a particularly beautiful one.

On the far-distant western horizon, faint and ethereal, the islands of St Kilda stood. Far to the South were the hills of Barra. North stood the Harris heights. East was the Isle of Skye, where once lived Cuchulainn, the Hound of Ulster and where his legend lives on.

Towards eleven o’clock the crowd had gathered round the memorial. From the neighbouring islands of Ballyshare, Grimsay and Benbecula some of them had journeyed, crossing the wide fords barefoot at ebb-tide. There were old men and women whose only speech was the homely soft Gaelic of the Isles, but also young people to whom the War was only a name.

Suddenly the slow, sad strains of a beautiful, almost magical, Gaelic Psalm were heard , carried on the breeze like the murmuring of waves on the distant shore . They sang brokenly, yet with great pride, with the absence of dear ones taken in the Great War. Then followed a Gaelic reading of scripture from the Holy Bible by the minister of the Isle and a fine oration. The names of the Fallen were read out one by one, and the pipers played the Flowers of the Forest.

On the heather, a little apart from the crowd, we stood in poignant grief. As the pipes were silent and the strains of the Last Post drifted across the moor, we witnessed the end of this wonderful ceremony. And as the people laid their poppy wreaths, our last lingering looks were directed towards the memorial , where the people were saying in the Gaelic, over and over again, the single Gaelic word Cuimhneach, which in the Burla, or English tongue, means everlasting Remembrance.

The Annals of the Four Masters record  that in 665 AD, the Battle of Farset (Belfast) took place between the County Down Dal Fiatach, self styled Ulaid, and the Pretani or Cruthin where Cathasach, son of Laircine, was slain. This was an attempt by the Dal Fiatach to encroach on  the Cruthin territory of Trian Congail. the “third of Congal”, which encompassed territory on both sides of the Lagan, corresponding more or less to Upper and Lower Clandeboye, including modern Belfast. Cathasach was Congal’s grandson. The battle was the first mention of Belfast in Irish history.

The story of Congal Cláen has a bearing on another aspect of Irish history — the question of the ‘high-kingship’ of Ireland. Late seventh century writers claimed that the “Uí Néill” had held the high-kingship of Ireland for many centuries. Yet in the study of that early period of Irish history little evidence is found of a centralised monarchy. Indeed, at any given time between the fifth and twelfth centuries there were probably no less than 150 tribal kings throughout the island.

Francis Byrne has commented: “In later ages this multiplication of monarchies caused some embarrassment to patriotic Irishmen who had been brought up to believe in the glories of the high-kingship centred in Tara… The title ard-rí… has no precise significance, and does not necessarily imply sovereignty of Ireland… It is now evident that Niall and his descendants for many centuries can in no real sense be described as high-kings of Ireland. The claims made for them… must be discounted as partisan: few other contemporary documents show special deference being afforded to the “Uí Néill” outside their own sphere of influence, and the laws do not even envisage the office of high-king of Ireland.”Ironically, the only reference to Tara throughout all the Old Irish legal tracts concerns, not a member of the Uí Néill dynasty, but Congal Cl¡en of the Cruthin. Bechbretha, an eighth century law tract, details, among many other matters, how blame should be apportioned for bee stings, stating the following:

“If it be an eye which it has blinded, it is then that it (the injury) requires the casting of lots on all the hives; whichever of the hives it falls upon is forfeit for its (the bee’s) offence. For this is the first judgement which was passed with regard to the offences of bees on Congal the One-eyed, whom bees blinded in one eye. And he was king of Tara until [this] put him from his kingship.” The matter of Congal losing the high-kingship refers to the prohibition on anyone with a blemish holding this position.

As Francis Byrne comments: “This is the only reference in the law-tracts to Tara (and) it runs directly contrary to the accepted doctrine that it was a monopoly of the Uí Néill… When we remember that the Ulaid and Cruthin were still powerful in County Londonderry and possibly still ruled directly in Louth as far as the Boyne in the early seventh century; that they cherished memories of their former dominance over all the North; that they considered the Uí Néill recent upstarts… it is not difficult to imagine that they could with some justice lay claim to Tara.”

However, whatever arguments the Ulstermen could have produced to support such a claim were immaterial after 637. The Battle of Moira effectively put an end to any hopes they might have harboured that they could undo the “Uí Néill” gains. For although the Ulstermen were still to retain their independence in the east of the province for another 500 years, the Uí Néill were now firmly entrenched as the dominant power in the North.

As well as their continued victories against the Ulstermen — the Ulaid suffered a severe defeat at Fochairt near Dundalk in 735 — the “Uí Néill” also continued to encroach upon the territory held by the Airgialla in the centre of the ancient province. It was probably their alarm at this continuing advance which explains why the Ulstermen fought alongside the Airgialla at the battle of Leth Cam (near Armagh) in 827, in which the “Uí Néill” emerged victorious yet again, with many kings of the Airgialla being slain. Whatever autonomy had been held by the Airgialla was now destroyed and their kings became mere vassals of the “Uí Néill”.

Despite these reverses, the Ulstermen were still determined to resist, and in 1004 another great battle was fought at Cráeb Tulcha (Crew Hill Glenavy), in which the Cruthin king, the Ulaid king, and many princes of Ulster, were killed — indeed, complete disaster was possibly only averted because the victorious “Uí Néill” king was also one of the fatalities. The Annals of Ulster thus record the event:

The battle of Craebh-telcha, between the Ulidians and Cinel-Eoghain, where the Ulidians were defeated, and Eochaid, son of Ardgar, King of Ulidia, and Dubhtuinne his brother, and his two sons, viz., Cuduiligh and Domnall, were slain, and a havoc was made of the army besides, between good and bad, viz., Gairbhith, King of Uí-Echach (Iveagh), and Gilla Patraic son of Tomaltach, and Cumuscach son of Flathroe, and Dubhslanga son of Aedh, and Cathalan son of Etroch, and Conene son of Muirchertach, and the elect of the Ulidians besides. And the fighting extended to Dun-Echdach, and to Druim-bó. There also fell there Aedh, son of Domnall Ua Neill, King of Ailech, (and others, in the 29th year of his age, and the 10th year of [his] reign). But the Cinel-Eoghain say that he was killed by themselves. Donnchad Ua Loingsigh, King of Dal nAraidi (Dalaradia), was treacherously killed by the Cinel-Eoghain.

No doubt many of the original peoples of Ulster remained in the territories now dominated by the “Uí Néill” overlords, but their former dynastic leaders from within the Cruthin and the Ulaid were confined to that area which today comprises counties Antrim, Down and north Louth. Yet, so long as these Ulster kingships endured, no matter how reduced might be the realm over which their suzerainty could lay claim, the “Uí Néill” could never call themselves kings of Ulster. Cruthin and Ulaid kings shared in the high-kingship of this reduced Ulster, though at times the strains within the alliance would lead to open warfare (it was a battle between the Cruthin and Ulaid, recorded in the Annals of Ulster as having been fought at the ‘Fearsat’ in 667 which gave Belfast its first mention in history). The independent territories became known by the names of the ruling dynasties, prefixed by the term in Gaelic for ‘a portion’ —‘Dál’ (Gaelic by now being the dominant language throughout Ireland).

Within the Ulaid the dominant dynasty were the Dál Fiatach, who ruled over the maritime areas between Dundrum Bay and Belfast Lough, with the centre of their power established at Downpatrick. Another grouping, the Dál Riata, held territory in the north-eastern part of Antrim, called Dalriada.

It was, however, the Cruthin who formed the bulk of the population, and their territories comprised the remainder of the area of Antrim and Down, although for some time after the initial “Uí Néill” advances they had managed to retain their hold on territory northwards to Lough Foyle and southwards to Dundalk Bay. There is evidence of the existence of from seven to nine petty kingdoms of the Cruthin around the sixth century. Their main dynasty was the Dál nAraidi, and the area they ruled over became known in English as Dalaradia (not to be confused with Dalriada in the north-east). The kings of Dál nAraidi resided at Ráth Mor, where a ringfort remains to this day, just east of Antrim town. Another group within the Cruthin who also provided over-kings of Ulster were the Uí Echach Cobo, who inhabited the present baronies of Upper and Lower Iveagh and Kinelarty.